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For twenty years, media personality Sarah Fraser has made a name for herself with her bold, hilarious, and totally unfiltered takes on everything from pop culture to parenting, life's messy struggles, and surviving the chaos of Hollywood. On her hit daily show, The Sarah Fraser Show, Sarah dives into the wildest corners of celebrity culture, interviewing and dissecting the most outrageous reality stars and offbeat personalities from Bravo, Sister Wives, 90 Day Fiance, and beyond. Nothing is off-limits, and you never know what’s coming next—but with Sarah, it’s guaranteed to be unforgettable. For advertising or collabs, reach out to thesarahfrasershow@gmail.com
Content provided by Meduza.io. All podcast content including episodes, graphics, and podcast descriptions are uploaded and provided directly by Meduza.io or their podcast platform partner. If you believe someone is using your copyrighted work without your permission, you can follow the process outlined here https://player.fm/legal.
Every day we bring you the most important news and feature stories from hundreds of sources in Russia and across the former Soviet Union.
Content provided by Meduza.io. All podcast content including episodes, graphics, and podcast descriptions are uploaded and provided directly by Meduza.io or their podcast platform partner. If you believe someone is using your copyrighted work without your permission, you can follow the process outlined here https://player.fm/legal.
Every day we bring you the most important news and feature stories from hundreds of sources in Russia and across the former Soviet Union.
Nine people were killed in Ukraine’s Sumy region after a Russian drone struck a passenger minibus, according to Governor Oleh Hryhorov. The attack took place near the town of Bilopillia, less than 10 kilometers (about six miles) from the Russian village of Tetkino, an area that has seen ongoing fighting in recent days. Hryhorov said the strike was carried out by a Lancet-type drone and noted that civilians were aboard the vehicle. In addition to the nine killed, seven others were wounded, three of whom are in serious condition. The Russian military has not commented on the attack.…
In September 2021, the New People party won enough votes to claim seats in the lower house of Russia’s parliament, despite being founded just 18 months earlier. For the first time in 15 years, five parties secured representation in the State Duma instead of the usual four. Created with the Kremlin’s backing, New People was designed to attract the liberal urban electorate. Since Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022, the party has clung to its image as the home of so-called “common sense” voters. Its lawmakers avoid endorsing the war but also steer clear of opposing it. They campaign against migrants, advocate lifting bans on various social networks, and go to great lengths to transform their initiatives into viral sensations. Meduza special correspondent Andrey Pertsev explains how New People’s liberal image clashes with its consistent support for the Kremlin’s key legislation. About a month ago, liberal and opposition-leaning Russians began reposting a video featuring a young woman wearing a black kokoshnik (a traditional Russian headdress) criticizing an initiative gaining momentum in several regions of the country to offer financial payments to schoolgirls who choose to carry their pregnancies to term. What struck viewers most wasn’t her unusually strong language for today’s political climate — or even her hat — it was the fact that she is a federal lawmaker. Many regarded Ksenia Goryacheva’s remarks as sensible and highly uncharacteristic of a Duma deputy, where most legislation typically expands prohibitions and promotes “traditional values.” “You can call these measures ‘bonuses,’ ‘support,’ or ‘care’ all you want. But when state institutions are used to broadcast the message, ‘It doesn’t matter how old you are — have the baby! We’ll pay you for it,’ that’s not care. That’s dangerous propaganda for all of us. Kids having kids is a tragedy,” said Goryacheva, speaking in front of the State Duma’s step-and-repeat banner. Ksenia Goryacheva The same Ksenia Goryacheva also spoke out against a bill banning “childfree propaganda,” although she notably didn’t vote against its final draft. During the war, her party has proposed unblocking Instagram and YouTube (which Russia banned in the spring of 2022) and restoring direct mayoral elections. You might even describe New People as a liberal party, were it not for its proposals to restrict entry for migrant workers, impose fees on returning Western companies, ban the wearing of the niqab , and tighten content oversight on films made with government grants. The paradox at the heart of the party is that the Kremlin’s domestic policy team created New People to engage Russia’s urban electorate. However, the invasion of Ukraine has made it nearly impossible to appeal to liberal voters while adhering to mainstream messaging and avoiding the “red lines” of Russian politics. A party ‘for all the good things’ The New People party won seats in the State Duma with 5.32 percent of the vote in Russia’s fall 2021 parliamentary election. The party’s platform promised support for businesses, reduced regulations on entrepreneurs, and “freedom of speech and assembly.” However, when Russia invaded Ukraine just a few months later, the joy of reaching the Duma gave way to anxiety about the future. A source close to the party leadership told Meduza that both New People’s leaders and the Kremlin’s team were “at a loss” when the invasion began. “A significant share of the urban electorate that the party was supposed to reach was opposed [to the war]. Most party members were against it, too. At the same time, they wanted to stay within the system. Going full ‘Z’ [embracing the Kremlin’s pro-war line] would mean losing the bulk of their voters. Speaking out against the war would mean joining the [anti-Kremlin] opposition, which was out of the question for a Kremlin-backed project,” he recalled. Party members faced what seemed like an impossible balancing act: “They had to avoid supporting the war openly, but also avoid opposing it outright.” The war’s early days were rough for the party, sources told Meduza. Some New People lawmakers even feared that their first term in parliament would be their last. “There may have been doubts at the highest levels of government about whether this kind of outreach to the urban electorate was even necessary anymore. Priorities had shifted,” one party operative told Meduza. New People party head Alexey Nechayev (front) with Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin and Duma Speaker Vyacheslav Volodin. March 26, 2025. According to a political strategist who previously worked with the party, New People leader Alexey Nechayev and Kremlin political managers had other doubts as well: “It wasn’t really clear what the party was supposed to talk about during the ‘special military operation’ — everything else suddenly seemed unimportant.” In the end, according to this strategist and another consultant who works with the Kremlin, officials decided the party could stick to its original strategy. “For part of the public, just the absence of vocal support for the war already meant something. There was demand for a political force that didn’t insist on bombing everything to the ground,” is how the president’s political team summed it up. According to another source close to New People’s leadership, it was enough for the party’s deputies to express vague support for the Kremlin’s general agenda and refrain from open criticism. The main task, the source said, was to become “a familiar presence to the president and acclimate him to the idea that there’s another party in the Duma. […] To show that there are level-headed people engaging intellectuals and entrepreneurs and bringing in some ideas for the economy.” In fact, the Kremlin’s political team has sought to expand the party’s presence in several regional legislatures, in addition to boosting its representation where it already had seats. Two regional officials involved in such coordination said they were strongly encouraged to make sure New People factions appeared in local parliaments, “just like in the Duma.” They were also advised to facilitate seats on city councils in regional capitals. “They didn’t say to rig elections or stuff the ballots blatantly,” one official recalled. “But we were told to offer them maximum support, give them the green light.” A strategist working with the Kremlin told Meduza that New People receive help mainly in regions where governors are close to operatives working under the president’s first deputy chief of staff, Sergey Kiriyenko. The party also gets support in major population centers, where its target electorate lives. According to a former staffer from New People’s head office, the “organic voter base” in big cities means the party can even win local seats on its own. “They get five percent,” the source explained. “There are people who are unhappy with United Russia and the other establishment parties. And this one’s ‘for all the good things.’ Of course, it’s not about democracy or civil liberties — it’s just about development: business, artificial intelligence, you name it. [But at least] it’s not a bunch of bearded guys waving church banners.” New People supporters at a rally backing Vladislav Davankov’s presidential bid. December 2023. Member of Parliament Vladislav Davankov and New People supporters at a rally for Pavel Durov outside the French embassy in Moscow. August 2024. A New People supporters’ rally in 2021. Virality, hype, and xenophobia A political strategist who recently worked with New People said the party operates by proposing “viral” legislative initiatives designed to generate public discussion. For example, State Duma Deputy Speaker and former presidential candidate Vladislav Davankov advocated for standardizing shawarma preparation nationwide. The party has also suggested allowing children with unusual names to change them before turning 18. Another initiative would have imposed speed limits for electric scooters in cities. (The first two proposals failed to gain the government cabinet’s support, and Duma deputies voted down the third in its first draft.) The strategist who spoke with Meduza said the party’s deputies must obtain prior approval from New People leader Alexey Nechayev before introducing legislative initiatives, but he doesn’t oversee mere public statements by lawmakers on minor topics. When it comes to more sensitive issues, the party’s leadership coordinates its actions with the Kremlin — likely how Ksenia Goryacheva got clearance to criticize regional officials’ proposal to subsidize teenage pregnancies. “They’re in direct contact with the presidential administration. If told to do something, they’ll do it,” the strategist explained. For instance, New People supported a municipal reform law that eliminates thousands of local governments across Russia, as well as a proposal to implement universal electronic voting nationwide, both of which were promoted by the Kremlin. “Gradually, there are fewer and fewer liberal initiatives, even though Nechayev keeps insisting that any new legislation should avoid using the word ‘prohibit,’” the strategist added. One of New People’s main focus areas, two insider sources told Meduza, is the party’s anti-migrant agenda. “They latched onto that a year and a half ago, and the hype just keeps going,” the strategist said. A raid targeting migrant draft registration compliance at the Nordmall wholesale and retail center in Novosibirsk, April 9, 2025. In 2024, New People submitted a draft law to the State Duma that would have allowed migrants to enter Russia only if they already had a signed contract with an employer. (According to official statistics , only 28 percent of migrants cite work as their reason for entering Russia.) That same year, the party also proposed deporting foreign workers with criminal records. In 2025, Alexey Nechayev floated an “electronic migrant ID.” However, none of these proposals made it through parliament, suffering the same fate as the party’s viral bills about shawarma and e-scooters. A source close to the party’s leadership and another source with ties to the Kremlin’s political team told Meduza that the theme of “combating migration” will feature prominently in New People’s 2026 Duma campaign. “It won’t be as heavy-handed as LDPR’s ‘kick them all out,’ but it’ll stress things like document restrictions and constant monitoring. It’s an issue that resonates with urban voters — resentment toward migrants is stronger in cities,” explained one New People member in Moscow. The party also collaborates with the nationalist movement “Society.Future,” led by politician Roman Yuneman. According to two sources close to the party’s leadership, Yuneman’s associate Danil Makhnitsky has become one of New People’s political managers. “Back in 2021, the party nominated Makhnitsky in a single-mandate district in Moscow. He works as an organizer and campaign strategist. They can deploy him to regions where the campaign needs a boost,” a New People insider told Meduza. This partnership makes sense, noted another party member in Moscow, and Nechayev is open about his patriotic and pro-state views. Ahead of the 2021 State Duma elections, he even tried to seize control of the nationalist party Rodina. Beyond New People’s anti-migrant messaging, its agenda includes support for entrepreneurship, unblocking Instagram and YouTube, and opposing “everyday prohibitions.” But the general trajectory remains unclear. “Everything depends on whether the ‘special military operation’ continues,” said Meduza’s source in the party. “Nothing is set in stone.” A conference with bloggers organized by the New People party. April 2025. A party congress attendee interacts with a robot. Moscow, March 2025. A New People gathering in Kursk Region. February 2025. Mass-produced flunkies Currently, five members of the New People’s 15-deputy Duma faction are graduates from the “Captains of Business” program at the Plekhanov Russian University of Economics, which Nechayev’s company supports with study grants: Georgy Arapov, Alexander Demin, Yaroslav Samylin, Anton Tkachev, and the aforementioned Ksenia Goryacheva. According to a source familiar with Alexey Nechayev and a New People staffer, the party’s leader prefers to surround himself with familiar and predictable protégés who, as they put it, “owe their entire careers and advancement to Alexey and are extremely loyal.” “When they were getting off the ground, the focus was mainly on [early New People recruit and former Yakutsk Mayor] Sardana [Avksentyeva], but now it’s all about the ‘Captains.’ Goryacheva has become one of the main public faces, and they’re featuring her more prominently now,” said one party member in Moscow. “In fact, the word ‘Captains’ has become shorthand for generic, mass-produced politicians,” explained a strategist who previously worked with the party. “These are the guys who came to Moscow to take Nechayev’s business courses and don’t really understand anything else in life. Very difficult people. Goryacheva is Nechayev’s pride and joy, the best of the Captains. She’s the only one who’s accomplished anything.” Ksenia Goryacheva was born in Russia’s Tyumen region. She completed the “Captains” program and later became one of its administrators. After being elected to the State Duma, Nechayev appointed her to lead the party’s St. Petersburg chapter, though she had never lived there. “Outsiders run many of the party’s local branches. Goryacheva is among the best of them,” the strategist reiterated. Goryacheva recently married Danil Makhnitsky, co-founder of the “Society.Future” nationalist movement and a political strategist for New People. According to a Meduza source, she shares his ultrapatriotic views and the couple collaborates on projects like collecting first-aid kits for Russian soldiers fighting in Ukraine. “They don’t hide this stuff, but the party doesn’t draw attention to it, either. It doesn’t quite fit with their public image,” the strategist told Meduza. Alexey Nechayev at the “Power of Generations” forum. Moscow, December 2023. State Duma deputy Ksenia Goryacheva handing out “People’s First-Aid Kits” to Russian soldiers. September 2024. Goryacheva at a Duma plenary session as first deputy chair of the Committee on Science and Higher Education. September 24, 2024. A source close to the Kremlin said the party isn’t particularly interested in developing its regional branches or recruiting high-profile public figures or influential businesspeople. “Nechayev prefers the ‘Captains.’ He’s not trying to build a national power base, at least not right now. Flashy personalities usually end up clashing with governors. Why would the party want that? So, they go with the Captains, who often have no connection to the regions where they’re sent to run branch offices. And it’s those same people serving as the party’s legislators,” said Meduza’s source. The lack of high-profile politicians with bold ideas is partly offset by the party’s close collaboration with political consultants, according to a Kremlin insider, someone close to Nechayev, and two New People staffers who spoke with Meduza. The party’s leadership coordinates extensively with strategists Ilya Grashchenkov and Ilya Semin. “Grashchenkov went to school with [Duma deputy speaker and New People member] Vladislav Davankov. Semin used to work at [the pro-business public organization] Delovaya Rossiya,” explained a strategist affiliated with the Kremlin’s domestic policy team. Candidate selection for regional races and the assignment of campaign staff are overseen by the party executive committee’s director, Airat Akhmetzyanov, a political strategist and lawyer who previously worked with United Russia and various regional administrations. He also served as deputy mayor of the Moscow suburb of Dzerzhinsky. A consultant named Vladimir Kleshnya oversees the party’s media positioning. “He’s basically the third most important person in the party — he has Nechayev’s ear,” said a former New People staffer. “He worked his way up through the party, starting out as a basic social media marketing guy. A lot of the viral legislative ideas and public stunts come from him.” A strategist working on New People’s regional campaigns and collaborating with the Kremlin says the party hopes to improve its showing in the 2026 Duma elections and even aspires to become Russia’s “second-choice party,” though the Kremlin currently reserves that role for LDPR. A source with ties to the Kremlin described New People as “a dead-end project that already ran its course in 2022,” but the same person said the party will almost certainly keep its Duma seats. “They do have some real support, but the party is far short of the goals it set after making it into the Duma,” the source admitted. “Basically, the party was supposed to work with ‘establishment liberals,’” concluded a political strategist who once advised New People. “But in practice, they just bend with the wind.” Story by Andrey Pertsev Translation by Kevin Rothrock…
Members of the Russian delegation at the talks in Istanbul. Second from the right: presidential aide Vladimir Medinsky, heading the team. May 16, 2025. Friday’s talks in Istanbul were the first direct negotiations between Russia and Ukraine since March 2022. The negotiators convened at Turkey’s Dolmabahçe Presidential Palace. The first round of discussions lasted two hours. The Russian delegation is led by presidential aide Vladimir Medinsky and includes Deputy Foreign Minister Mikhail Galuzin, military intelligence chief Igor Kostyukov, and Deputy Defense Minister Alexander Fomin. Defense Minister Rustem Umerov leads the Ukrainian delegation, which includes 10 additional members, including First Deputy Foreign Minister Serhiy Kyslytsia, Deputy Head of Ukraine’s Security Service Oleksandr Poklad, and military intelligence deputy chief Vadym Skibitsky. Medinsky said the two sides will resume talks after each outlines its vision for a possible ceasefire. A date for the next meeting has not yet been set. Sources told journalist Oliver Carroll that Medinsky warned during the talks that Russia is “prepared to fight forever.” “We fought Sweden for 21 years. How long are you ready to fight?” Medinsky reportedly told the Ukrainian delegation — a reference to the Great Northern War (1700–1721), which ended with Russia becoming an empire and Sweden losing its status as a major European power. Carroll’s sources say that Russian negotiators also threatened to seize Ukraine’s Sumy and Kharkiv regions. The Economist correspondent cited a “well-placed source” who said Moscow threatened to annex two more Ukrainian regions if Kyiv refuses to withdraw from the four regions Russia annexed in September 2022, which it still only partially controls. On his Telegram channel, Ukrainian lawmaker Oleksiy Honcharenko also said that the Russian delegation rejected Kyiv’s 30-day ceasefire proposal and threatened to annex the Sumy region. The only agreement reached during the talks was another prisoner exchange: 1,000 Russian POWs for 1,000 Ukrainian POWs. If carried out, it would be the largest such swap since the war began. Officials haven’t announced a date for the exchange, but Medinsky said it could happen “in the coming days.” He also said the Russian delegation had “taken note” of Ukraine’s request for direct talks between Vladimir Putin and Volodymyr Zelensky. Zelensky is calling on Ukraine’s allies to impose tougher sanctions against Russia if Moscow rejects an unconditional ceasefire. The Ukrainian president met with European leaders in Albania on Friday. The group also held a call with Donald Trump. Zelensky told reporters: “Pressure on Russia must be maintained until it is ready to end the war.” Neither the U.S. president nor his Russian counterpart has publicly commented on the talks yet. In comments to the press, U.K. Prime Minister Keir Starmer called Moscow’s position “unacceptable” and reiterated Europe’s promise to impose new sanctions.…
As the full-scale war in Ukraine rages on for its fourth year, and Moscow’s defense and security spending continues at levels not seen since the Soviet era, Russia's economy has started to cool from its peak of 4.5 percent GDP growth in late 2024. What's behind this sudden slowdown? And does it threaten the Kremlin's ability to keep its invasion going? Meduza answers these and other questions about the Russian economy's retreat. After three years of war-driven frenzy and a surge to four percent growth in 2023–2024 — a pace Russia hadn’t seen in the previous decade except for during the lead-up to its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2021 — the Russian economy has begun gradually slowing down. According to the Central Bank, the peak of the economy’s overheating came in the fourth quarter of 2024, when Russia's Federal Statistics Service (Rosstat) reported 4.5 percent year-on-year GDP growth. But by the first quarter of 2025, that pace had started to taper off. Both the Central Bank and the Economic Development Ministry estimate that GDP growth slowed to around two percent compared to the same period last year. Whether these forecasts prove accurate will become clear on May 16, when Rosstat publishes its preliminary economic update. This slowdown was hardly unexpected. Sustaining rapid growth under sanctions and with a shrinking workforce inevitably takes a toll on the economy. But Russia’s economic officials had planned for both this and falling oil prices — and had warned President Vladimir Putin accordingly. Late last year, he downplayed the potential consequences, saying: “Strange as it may sound, given the current macroeconomic realities, we don’t really need growth like that right now.” What exactly is causing the slowdown? Two main factors stand out. The first is the massive reallocation of resources toward the war effort (i.e. defense and security spending) at the expense of productive civilian sectors. Excluding industries dominated by defense, it's fair to say that the rest of Russia’s industrial economy is effectively entering a recession, according to the government-affiliated Center for Macroeconomic Analysis and Short-Term Forecasting (CMASF). Civilian economic output shrank by 0.8 percent per month in the first quarter of 2025, including a 1.1 percent drop in March alone, bringing it to its lowest level since April 2023. Even though we’re outlawed in Russia, we continue to deliver exclusive reporting and analysis from inside the country. Our journalists on the ground take risks to keep you informed about changes in Russia during its full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Support Meduza’s work today. Even sectors that had previously shown slow but steady growth are now contracting. CMASF estimates that average monthly output in these areas declined by 0.7 percent in the first quarter (with a 0.8 percent drop in March). A worse result — a 0.8 percent monthly decline over a full quarter — has only been recorded once in the past 12 years: during the shock-hit first quarter of 2022. Production of construction materials had already been falling by 0.3 percent per month in the second half of 2024, but the pace of decline accelerated to 1.1 percent in early 2025. The civilian machine manufacturing sector is also deteriorating: electrical equipment output has now dropped for three consecutive months, averaging a 5.4 percent monthly decline (including 3.2 percent in March), while overall machinery and equipment output has fallen for four straight months (down 3.8 percent per month on average, including 2.7 percent in March). Which sectors have surged? ‘Structural transformation’ A new study reveals the winners and losers of Russia’s wartime economy Sustaining the war effort demands large-scale, ongoing investment in the defense industry, drawing financial and labor resources away from civilian sectors — already under strain from high interest rates. The Central Bank, aiming to contain inflation, kept its key rate at a record-high 21 percent for the fourth consecutive time in April. Military spending isn’t the only inflationary force. The civilian economy is also struggling to meet rising domestic demand. The 2025 budget introduces both a higher tax burden — including a corporate profit tax raised to 25 percent and a progressive income tax on monthly earnings above 200,000 rubles (roughly $2,500) — and a real-term cut in social spending. Another sign that the economy is cooling is that inflation has started to slow. Adjusted seasonally, it stood at 7.1 percent in March and averaged 8.3 percent over the first quarter — down from 12.9 percent in the fourth quarter of 2024. (Rosstat is also expected to publish final annual inflation figures through the end of April on May 16.) So the war is the main factor slowing down the economy? Well, that's not the full story — as we mentioned above, the slowdown has two main drivers. The second is a drop in oil and gas revenues. The spike in energy prices back in 2022 brought Russia enormous windfall profits despite sanctions: revenues were 42 percent, or $175 billion, above the average annual income from energy exports over the previous 13 years. But 2025 is a different story. Donald Trump’s tariff wars and the chaos he’s triggered in global trade, combined with OPEC+ shifting its pricing strategy (the cartel is now boosting production to lure buyers with cheaper oil), have driven prices down. The U.S. Department of Energy has already lowered its forecast for the spot price of Brent oil from $74.20 to $67.87 per barrel, while private banks are predicting it in the range of $55–65 per barrel. Meanwhile, Russian oil will almost certainly sell at an additional discount of $8–12 per barrel due to the Western embargo. How ordinary Russians are feeling A more joyous life Economist Will Pyle explains new research that shows satisfaction and economic optimism rising among Russians since the invasion of Ukraine At the same time, Russia’s gas exports to Europe have dropped sharply — down from 46 billion euros in 2021 to just 16.6 billion euros in 2024, according to CREA. In January, Russia shut down the last remaining direct pipeline route to Europe, which ran through Ukraine. That alone will cost the country around $4.5 billion a year, according to Sergey Vakulenko, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center in Berlin. As a result, oil is making up an ever-larger share of Russia’s hydrocarbon revenues. In 2022, oil (extraction, refining, and export) accounted for 66.5 percent of the country's oil and gas income. In 2023, it was 74.6 percent, and in the first nine months of 2024, it was 77.4 percent. Gas’s share, meanwhile, is falling: from 30.2 percent in 2022 to 20.2 percent in 2023, and just 16.3 percent in the same period in 2024. “I said back in the fall, [when the 2025 budget was being approved], that the projected 69.70 per barrel for Urals was bold, even aggressive. A more conservative estimate would have been $10–15 lower,” Vakulenko told Meduza. The Finance Ministry has since adjusted its expectations to better reflect reality, cutting its oil and gas revenue forecast for 2025 by 2.6 trillion rubles ($32.2 billion) and lowering the projected export price for Russian oil from $69.70 to $56 per barrel. As a result, the expected budget deficit has grown from 1.17 trillion rubles ($14.5 billion, or about 0.5 percent of GDP) to 3.8 trillion rubles ($47.1 billion, or about 1.7 percent of GDP). In the first quarter of 2025 alone, the budget ran a significant deficit : about 2.17 trillion rubles ($26.9 billion, or about 1 percent of GDP). A forecast of $55–60 per barrel for Urals this year looks far more realistic, according to an oil and gas think tank analyst who spoke on condition of anonymity. And for the next few years, estimates in the $50–60 range appear more plausible than the previously expected $60–70 — though that higher range was widely accepted just a few months ago. The main reasons for the downward revision, he says, are the same: weakening global demand due to a potential economic slowdown, and the stance of OPEC+ leaders — especially Saudi Arabia — who now have less incentive to artificially cap production. With Russian oil trading around $50 a barrel in April, according to Bloomberg, and growing concern about the future, some officials have revived the idea of lowering the oil price threshold in Russia’s fiscal rule (currently set at $60). But the Finance Ministry quickly shut that conversation down. “What surprised me wasn’t that they abandoned the idea,” said the think tank analyst. “What surprised me was that it came up at all before the war is over. Lowering the base price means you’d need to balance the budget by cutting spending — which is a dangerous idea, because it indirectly reveals your timeline for ending the war.” The Finance Ministry’s refusal to cut the base oil price was expected. After all, nearly all oil and gas revenues are now used for current expenditures, making the fiscal rule more of a fiction than a functioning policy. “There’s no point in lowering the base oil price in the budget formula,” the economist said, “if they're not going to cut spending, including military spending.” Will these economic risks force Russia to end the war? The short answer is no. According to the think tank analyst, Russia's 2025 budget is likely to fall short on oil and gas revenues. The exact size of the shortfall is still unclear, but it's highly likely that it will be manageable for the country's National Wealth Fund (NWF), the expert told Meduza. As of May 1, the fund's liquid assets stood at 3.296 trillion rubles (around $40.4 billion). That cushion should allow Russia to maintain its nominal spending levels in 2026 and continue financing the war with tolerable fiscal losses. In other words, the government has a financial buffer worth several trillion rubles. Still, falling export revenues will weigh on the ruble, limit imports, dampen consumer activity, and worsen domestic debt problems. In early 2025, as RBC reported , Sberbank and VTB saw a sharp increase in retail loan defaults. In particular, the value of troubled housing loans on Sberbank's books rose by 90 percent in the first three months of the year, reaching 285 billion rubles ($3.5 billion). Overall, the economic slowdown is gradual — not a crisis. The seasonally adjusted GDP contraction in the first quarter of 2025 compared to the fourth quarter of 2024 was "fairly modest" at –0.5 percentage points, especially considering that the first signs of labor market cooling appeared late last year, the economist told Meduza. He expects the Russian economy to show solid year-on-year growth in all three remaining quarters of 2025, with full-year GDP up 1.5 percent. The Economic Development Ministry expects growth to slow to 2.5 percent in 2025 from 4.3 percent in 2024. The Central Bank is more cautious, forecasting growth of 1–2 percent. The Higher School of Economics's Development Center puts it at 1.5 percent, according to a February survey, while Finland's BOFIT (Bank of Finland Institute for Emerging Economies) project two percent. In any case, the state of the Russian economy shows that Moscow's priorities remain focused not on social spending, but on military and political objectives — a fact that's clearly reflected in the structure of the federal budget. Growing imbalances aren't a concern for the Kremlin, so long as it has the resources to retain control and reserves to plug the gaps.…
During negotiations in Istanbul on Friday, Moscow demanded that Kyiv recognize Crimea as Russian territory in exchange for a ceasefire agreement, according to Suspilne. The outlet, citing a source close to the negotiations process, also said that Moscow demanded Ukraine withdraw its troops from the partially occupied Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson, and Zaporizhzhia regions, as well as threatening to seize the Kharkiv and Sumy regions. This corroborates earlier reporting from Economist correspondent Oliver Carroll and Reuters . The Istanbul talks Zelensky, Macron, Merz, Starmer, and Tusk hold call with Trump following Russia–Ukraine negotiations in Istanbul Russia reportedly threatened to seize Ukraine’s Kharkiv and Sumy regions during Istanbul talks Russia and Ukraine announce 1,000-for-1,000 prisoner swap after Istanbul talks Talks between Russia and Ukraine conclude in Istanbul — TASS and CNN…
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, French President Emmanuel Macron, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk, and British Prime Minister Keir Starmer held a phone call with U.S. President Donald Trump shortly after the conclusion of Russian-Ukrainian talks in Istanbul. According to Zelensky, the leaders discussed the outcome of the negotiations. He said Ukraine was prepared to take “the swiftest possible steps” toward achieving a real peace. “Our position is this: if the Russians refuse a full and unconditional ceasefire and continue the killings, there must be strong sanctions,” he said. “Pressure on Russia must be maintained until it is ready to end the war.” Tusk, speaking after the call, said the Russian side had “de facto broken off negotiations and refused to cease fire.” “It’s time to increase the pressure,” he added. Starmer, in turn, called Russia’s position “unacceptable, and not for the first time.”…
During negotiations with Ukraine in Istanbul, the Russian delegation threatened to seize the Kharkiv and Sumy regions, according to Economist correspondent Oliver Carroll, citing a “well-placed” source. According to the source, the Russian delegation said Moscow would agree to a ceasefire only if Ukraine withdrew its forces from the four regions Russia claims to have annexed (Luhansk, Donetsk, Kherson, and Zaporizhzhia). “Moscow also threatened to seize two more [regions]: Kharkiv and Sumy,” Carroll wrote. He reported that Vladimir Medinsky, head of the Russian delegation, said Russia does not “want war,” but is “ready to fight for a year, two, three — however long it takes.” According to Carroll, Medinsky added, “We fought Sweden for 21 years. How long are you ready to fight?” Carroll also cited another statement attributed to Medinsky: “Maybe some of those sitting here at this table will lose more of their loved ones. Russia is prepared to fight forever.” Ukrainian lawmaker Oleksiy Honcharenko also reported that the Russian side had threatened to seize the Sumy region during the talks. After the negotiations concluded, neither delegation publicly mentioned any threats. Both Medinsky and Rustem Umerov, head of the Ukrainian delegation, said the two sides had agreed to carry out a prisoner exchange in the coming days involving 1,000 people from each side.…
We at Meduza love sharing new drops from our store — especially when it comes to our merch. We wear it ourselves, give it to people we love as gifts, and truly believe it’s some of the most comfortable and best-looking gear out there. Today’s launch includes five new items for summer, all connected to our “ No ” art exhibition in Berlin. To see the exhibition in person, visit the Kunstraum Kreuzberg/Bethanien gallery through July 6. There’s even a special merch kiosk inside the exhibition, where you can stop by to try things on before you buy. That said, you don’t need to be in Berlin to get your hands on some Meduza merch. Everything’s available right here, in our very own online shop . Get yours today as a symbol of resistance and a tribute to those who still dare to say “no.” ‘Resilience’ long sleeve shirt Because there’s strength in resistance! This shirt is dedicated to everyone who finds the courage to stand up to injustice. The design on the front — birds soaring across the sky — symbolizes freedom and hope. Perfect for cool days and chilly evenings. ‘No’ T-shirt The ultimate basic. This relaxed-fit tee is for anyone who’s already mastered — or is learning — the power of saying “no.” That, in itself, is an act of resistance. ‘No’ cap – the original Our first run of this cap sold out in a flash. We released it as a teaser for the “No” exhibition — and we’re so glad you loved it! So, first things first: it’s back in stock. And second — meet the newest addition… ‘No’ cap – summer edition Wear this cap proudly, enjoy the sun, and don’t be afraid to say “no.” And if you’re in Berlin, come by the “ No ” exhibition. We’d love to see you there! ‘Nein’ keychain and bottle opener Perfect for cracking open your favorite drink, taking a break from your worries, and dreaming up your summer plans. And hey — it’s also just a great-looking home for your keys. ‘Nein’ transparent tote bag A beautiful, transparent tote with a simple “Nein” across the front. We’re releasing it in collaboration with the iconic brand Loqi — known for creating durable, affordable bags with top artists and world-class museums. Ours is tear-resistant, waterproof, and holds up to 15 kilograms (33 pounds). Perfect? We think so. When you buy our merch , you’re supporting not just our work, but everyone who reads Meduza. Thank you! Grab yours here, in our very own Meduza shop! We’d love to hear what you think of these new items — drop us a line at shop@meduza.io (we read every message). More about the exhibition ‘No’: Meduza’s new art exhibition in Berlin A tribute to those who have the courage to resist…
A prisoner exchange between Russia and Ukraine involving 1,000 people from each side may take place in the near future, Ukrainian Defense Minister Rustem Umerov said after talks in Istanbul, according to RBC Ukraine. “We know the date, but we’re not disclosing it yet,” he said. Umerov said the negotiations addressed “all modalities” of a possible ceasefire and added that further details would be shared later. He also noted that the talks included discussion of a potential meeting between the presidents of Ukraine and Russia. “We’re working on it,” RBC Ukraine quoted him as saying. Speaking after the talks, Vladimir Medinsky, head of the Russian delegation, confirmed that the two sides had agreed to carry out a “1,000-for-1,000” prisoner swap in the coming days. He added that both sides had agreed to present their respective “visions for a possible future ceasefire” and that Ukraine had requested direct talks between the two heads of state. “We have taken that request under advisement,” he said.…
Russia’s demands during the talks in Istanbul were “unrealistic” and far exceeded the scope of previous discussions, Reuters reported , citing a source within Ukrainian diplomatic circles. According to Axios correspondent Barak Ravid, the Russian side demanded the withdrawal of Ukrainian forces from “several areas inside Ukraine” in exchange for a ceasefire. He, too, cited a Ukrainian diplomatic source. A Ukrainian diplomatic source told Sky News that Moscow’s demands also included other “non-starters.” Ukrainian lawmaker Oleksiy Honcharenko said Russia had demanded the withdrawal of Ukrainian troops “from all the regions it added to its constitution” — meaning Luhansk, Donetsk, Kherson, and Zaporizhzhia. He added that Russia had rejected a proposed 30-day ceasefire. The talks in Istanbul on May 16 mark the first Russian-Ukrainian negotiations in three years.…
Talks between the Russian and Ukrainian delegations in Istanbul have concluded, according to sources cited by TASS and CNN . The meeting lasted nearly two hours, RIA Novosti reported. However, a source quoted by Interfax said the two sides had only taken a “pause” in negotiations. The details of the discussions have not been disclosed. Reuters, citing a Ukrainian diplomatic source, reported that Russia had put forward unrealistic demands, far removed from anything discussed earlier.…
U.S., Ukrainian, and Turkish delegations met at Istanbul’s Dolmabahçe Palace on Friday morning, according to BBC News and Suspilne . The U.S. side was represented by Secretary of State Marco Rubio and special envoy Keith Kellogg, among other officials. Representatives from Ukraine included the head of the President’s Office, Andriy Yermak, Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha, and Defense Minister Rustem Umerov. Representing Turkey were the head of the country’s National Intelligence Organization, İbrahim Kalın, and Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan. ↗️ High-level US-Ukraine-Türkiye talks begin under Turkish foreign minister's leadership 🇺🇸 US was represented by Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Ambassador to Türkiye Tom Barrack, and Special Representative for Ukraine General Keith Kellogg 🇺🇦 Ukraine’s delegation included… pic.twitter.com/SwEFwdEU2H — Anadolu English (@anadoluagency) May 16, 2025 According to BBC News correspondent Tom Bateman, U.S. State Department Director of Policy Planning Michael Anton is scheduled to hold a separate meeting with Russian presidential aide Vladimir Medinsky.…
European leaders are weighing the possibility of imposing punitive tariffs on imports from Russia after President Vladimir Putin failed to attend planned talks in Istanbul, Politico reports . According to the outlet’s sources, E.U., Ukrainian, and Turkish leaders are expected to discuss tightening sanctions against Russia during a meeting on May 16 in Albania. The sources said one of the proposals involves imposing steep duties — so-called punitive tariffs — on goods from Russia. The idea follows a recent proposal by Republican Senator Lindsey Graham, who called for 500 percent tariffs on imports from countries that continue to buy Russian oil, gas, and uranium. One source told Politico that the “magnitude” of Graham’s proposal had inspired European leaders. The European Union had previously warned that it would impose additional sanctions if Moscow refused to support a 30-day ceasefire backed by Ukraine. Russia did not halt hostilities when the proposed truce was set to begin on May 12. The E.U. also signaled that further restrictions could depend on Putin’s participation in the Istanbul talks, originally scheduled for May 15. Instead of attending, the Russian president sent a lower-level delegation. who did Putin send? Talker, technocrat, soldier, spy Zelensky called Russia’s delegation for the Istanbul talks a ‘sham.’ Here’s who Putin sent to negotiate with Ukraine — and why they matter.…
A team of volunteers and journalists from BBC News Russian and Mediazona has identified the names of 108,608 Russian soldiers who have died in the full-scale war in Ukraine. The list includes more than 5,000 officers, among them 10 generals and 524 colonels and lieutenant colonels. BBC News Russian noted that during the first year of the full-scale invasion, officers accounted for about 20 percent of the confirmed casualties. This figure later dropped to 10 percent, and by spring 2025, it fell to just 2–3 percent. “First of all, this has to do with a shift in tactics — experienced career officers are now being preserved for targeted operations. Second, the main way losses are being replaced is through mass recruitment of volunteers, who serve as rank-and-file soldiers and are dying at far higher rates than commanders,” the journalists behind the project wrote. One in four of those confirmed dead by BBC News Russian and Mediazona had signed a contract to serve in the Russian army after the war had already begun.…
One of the F-16 fighter jets provided to Ukraine by its Western allies was lost during a combat mission, the country’s Air Force said on Friday. According to a statement from Ukraine’s Air Force Command, contact with the aircraft was lost around 3 a.m. local time on May 16. Preliminary reports indicated that the pilot had shot down three aerial targets and was engaging a fourth when an emergency occurred on board. The pilot managed to steer the aircraft away from a populated area before ejecting safely, the Air Force said. He was located and evacuated by a search-and-rescue team. No further details were released. Last month, the Air Force reported the death of Captain Pavlo Ivanov, who was killed while flying an F-16 during a combat mission. President Volodymyr Zelensky posthumously awarded him the title Hero of Ukraine. Russia’s Defense Ministry claimed to have downed a Ukrainian F-16, though it did not provide any details. Ukraine received its first F-16s in early August 2024. Later that month, on August 26, it lost its first fighter jet during a large-scale Russian strike. The pilot, Oleksii Mes , was killed.…
In early May, Russia’s Security Council published a collection of propaganda essays dedicated to the 80th anniversary of the Soviet Union’s victory in World War II. Federal politicians, top security officials, and Kremlin aides contributed, and President Vladimir Putin even penned an address to readers. But in offering their takes on how Soviet leaders’ decision-making led to the defeat of Nazi Germany, these high-level Russian officials often attempt to rewrite or completely contradict the historical record. For Meduza, historian Alexey Uvarov breaks down the most striking (and unexpected) examples of how the collection manipulates Soviet history — and what it reveals about the state of mind of Russia’s ruling elite today. Alexey Uvarov, historian This collection of articles, dedicated to “the 80th anniversary of the Great Victory,” belongs to a special genre of opinion writing that blends official historiography with an emphasis on statism and detailed ideological justifications for current policies. As a rule, Russian politicians and officials at various levels turn to this genre in anticipation of ideologically important dates. Such texts are rarely read beyond their titles. They tend to be clumsily written, poorly formatted, and filled with long quotations from top officials. Nevertheless, they reflect the current state of mind of the Russian ruling elite — and, above all, of the security forces. In which Sergey Naryshkin plays up the role of Soviet foreign intelligence Russia’s Foreign Intelligence director, Sergey Naryshkin, titled his essay The Contribution of the Intelligence Service to the Soviet People’s Victory in the Great Patriotic War . In his telling, Soviet intelligence allegedly predicted the Third Reich’s attack on the USSR and made important contributions to the Red Army’s victory in the battles of Moscow and Kursk. Soviet intelligence services, he claims, also identified threats from Japan, “hostile actions by the allies,” and contributed to the Soviet nuclear project. A separate section is devoted to the work of Soviet intelligence behind enemy lines, the organization of partisan detachments, sabotage operations, and assassinations of Nazi agents. The Kremlin crushed Meduza’s business model and wiped out our ad revenue. We’ve been blocked and outlawed in Russia, where donating to us or even sharing our posts is a crime. But we’re still here — bringing independent journalism to millions of our readers inside Russia and around the world. Meduza’s survival is under threat — again. Donald Trump’s foreign aid freeze has slashed funding for international groups backing press freedom. Meduza was hurt too. It’s yet another blow in our ongoing struggle to survive. You could be our lifeline. Please, help Meduza survive with a small recurring donation. Naryshkin, who is also the chairman of the Russian Historical Society, has written a eulogy to the intelligence services that contains many manipulations, exaggerating their achievements while also justifying political repressions and military aggression. A graduate of the Soviet Academy of Foreign Intelligence, Naryshkin has long been involved in creating ideological myths related to Russia’s history. In January 2025, for example, he suggested that Ukraine would “inevitably collapse” and be “divided” among its neighbors. In the article, Naryshkin accuses Western countries of having “pumped up” Germany with resources and weapons, alleging that this pushed Hitler to attack the USSR. However, he omits the fact that the Soviet Union maintained close economic ties with the Third Reich from 1939–1941, when Germany was already at war with Britain and France. After signing the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact and trade agreements in August 1939, the USSR supplied Nazi Germany with strategic raw materials, such as oil, grain, cotton, and non-ferrous metals (including copper, nickel, molybdenum, and tungsten). The Politburo approved the last major batch on June 3, 1941 — just three weeks before Germany attacked the Soviet Union — and it included thousands of tons of metals needed for military production. The USSR received machine tools, aviation technology, military equipment, and even an unfinished heavy cruiser in exchange. In other words, in the lead up to its attack on the USSR, Germany was being “pumped up” by Moscow — and quite officially at that. According to Naryshkin, Germany’s seizure of Poland laid the groundwork for its invasion of the Soviet Union. In reality, however, it wasn’t just the Germans who invaded Poland. In August 1939, the USSR and the Third Reich also signed secret protocols on dividing Eastern Europe, including Polish territory. Two weeks after Germany launched its offensive, the Red Army invaded eastern Poland. READ MORE ABOUT THE KREMLIN’S REVISIONISM Hurt feelings Ever since Warsaw snubbed him for a WWII commemoration, Vladimir Putin has increasingly blamed the Poles for the USSR’s nonaggression pact with Hitler Naryshkin goes on to claim that “in early 1940, [Soviet] foreign intelligence reported that England and France [were] putting together an armed coalition in support of Finland and preparing an attack on the Soviet Union.” He also alleges that London and Paris tried to “drag Nazi Germany into the coalition.” This, too, is inaccurate. Britain and France were already at war with Germany in 1940, and were unlikely to have discussed an “anti-Soviet coalition” with Hitler. That said, plans to support Finland did exist. After the start of the Soviet-Finnish War in November 1939, London and Paris discussed sending in troops through Northern Scandinavia and carrying out strikes on Soviet oil facilities in the Caucasus. However, Finland’s allies were not planning a direct attack on the USSR. Rather, they were discussing a show of force, political pressure, and the possibility of limited intervention. All of these plans were ultimately abandoned when Finland and the Soviet Union signed a peace treaty in March 1940. Though it’s widely believed that the Soviet leadership did not anticipate Germany’s attack in June 1941, Naryshkin suggests otherwise: allegedly, Soviet foreign intelligence “reported that the German army command was planning to defeat the Red Army within two to three months and wasn’t prepared to carry out large-scale offensive operations in the winter.” This raises a simple question: If Soviet intelligence really reported this information to the country’s leadership ahead of time, then why was the Wehrmacht able to inflict catastrophic losses on the Red Army between June and October 1941, take hundreds of thousands of prisoners, and advance towards Moscow? READ MORE ABOUT SOVIET WWII LOSSES 27 million lives lost Meduza takes a closer look at the Soviet Union’s official death toll in World War II After World War II, the USSR established pro-Soviet communist regimes across Eastern Europe, including in Poland, Romania, Hungary, Bulgaria, and Czechoslovakia. This was accompanied by repressions against political opponents, election fraud, and the elimination of independent political parties. According to Naryshkin, Soviet intelligence officers provided the information that “helped set the course with respect to countries liberated from German control.” In which members of Russia’s Security Council praise the perpetrators of Stalinist deportations In his essay, Russian National Guard Director Viktor Zolotov compares the experience of Soviet secret police (NKVD) troops during World War II with Rosgvardiya’s work in the Russian-occupied territories of Ukraine. He describes in detail how Rosgvardiya troops are engaged in guarding critical infrastructure, “fighting saboteurs,” and “maintaining public order” in the Ukrainian regions Russia claims to have annexed. Zolotov invokes these historical analogies with the NKVD not so much for analytical purposes but rather to justify Russia’s contemporary repressive practices. “The Soviet NKVD’s agencies and troops in the liberated territories of European countries [...] protected communications and ensured public safety,” he writes. At first glance, this sounds rather neutral. But in practice, the NKVD’s “public safety” measures included mass arrests, population filtration, and suppressing any “disloyalty.” In some countries, this involved the violent overthrow of governments. Recalling that NKVD troops were tasked with “organizing the resettlement of certain categories of citizens” from territories that Nazi Germany previously occupied, Zolotov emphasizes that Rosgvardiya troops play a similar role in Russia’s war against Ukraine. The term “resettlement” is a euphemism that conceals the Soviet Union’s forced deportations of entire ethnic groups, including Crimean Tatars, Chechens, Ingush, Kalmyks, Poles, Latvians, Lithuanians, Estonians, and other minorities. These deportations, which were carried out without trial, saw thousands of people taken away on freight trains, often in freezing temperatures, and without food or water. Families were torn apart, and many died on their way to exile. For some ethnic groups, the deportations meant the loss of their homeland, language, and historical memory. READ MORE ABOUT STALINIST DEPORTATIONS Lena and the Wolfs One family’s story of separation and survival in the Soviet Union The role of “multinational unity” in defeating Nazi Germany is the topic of not one but two essays in the collection, authored by Putin’s envoys to the North Caucasus and the Volga Federal District, Yury Chaika and Igor Komrarov. Both emphasize the heroism of the USSR’s various ethnic groups, their contribution to Soviet victory over the Third Reich, their work at the home front, and so on. Once again, this view of history leaves no room for the complexities of the Soviet Union’s nationalities policy, not to mention the deportations of ethnic groups the country’s leadership deemed “politically unreliable.” In which Presidential Envoy Igor Shchyogolev denies historical facts even the Kremlin acknowledges In his contribution to the collection, Putin’s presidential envoy to the Central Federal District, Igor Shchyogolev, examines the significance of the 1941–1942 Battle of Moscow in the context of the Great Patriotic War. In particular, he focuses on the Red Army’s heroism, the contribution of the people’s militia, the work of Moscow’s industry and press, as well as the role of the Orthodox Church, the creative intelligentsia, partisans, and volunteers in the defense of the city. Shchyogolev’s essay is a textbook example of how contemporary state rhetoric tries to rouse patriotic feelings in Russian citizens. The text is full of grandiose language and moralizing. Presenting historical facts in a one-sided manner, Shchyogolev refrains from analyzing losses, contradictions, and ambiguous episodes. He concludes by directly linking the “spirit of 1941” with the government's current agenda, including the ongoing war against Ukraine. The panic in Moscow as the German army advanced towards the capital in October 1941 is well-documented in memoirs and fictional works, though it remained a taboo topic in the country’s official historiography for many years. Shchyogolev, however, goes so far as to claim that there was no panic whatsoever, making a direct attempt at revising a historical fact that not even the latest Russian high school textbooks deny. (Notably, the history textbook for 11th graders was co-authored by Putin’s aide and lead negotiator in talks with Ukraine, Vladimir Medinsky) The ensuing Soviet counter-offensive was an absolute success for the Red Army. For the first time during the war, the USSR was able to stop the Wehrmacht’s advance, pushing back German units 100 to 250 kilometers (62 to 155 miles). This was supposedly made possible by the element of surprise, fresh reserves, high morale, and the weakening of enemy forces, exhausted by previous battles and cold weather. However, the Red Army’s subsequent offensives in the winter and spring of 1942 ended in failure and heavy losses. Shchyogolev only mentions this in passing. The Soviet victory in the Battle of Moscow was important, but it was neither a strategic turning point nor the beginning of the expulsion of German forces from Soviet territory. It was merely a respite in a long, grueling war. FOR MORE ANALYSIS OF THE HISTORICAL RECORD ‘The lifeblood and backbone’ Zelensky’s chief of staff says Ukrainians and Western aid were crucial to defeating Hitler, rails against ‘Russian myth’ of ‘solo Soviet victory’ Alexey Uvarov for Meduza…
A judge in Russia’s Novgorod region has fined a local man 1,500 rubles (about $20) for posting allegedly extremist symbols on social media. Court records identify the offending materials as two images shared on VKontakte in 2020: a meme featuring the cartoon frog Pepe in a rainbow wig, and a photo of early 20th-century German Marxist thinkers and revolutionary activists Clara Zetkin and Rosa Luxemburg, which also included a pride flag. The local police officer who filed charges against Georgy Rezankov described the rainbow images as “a symbol of the international LGBT social movement,” which Russia’s Supreme Court banned in November 2023. In court, Rezankov pleaded not guilty and said the Pepe cartoon had “become its own kind of philosophy and has nothing to do with LGBT.” He argued that the image of Zetkin and Luxemburg with a rainbow flag also “doesn’t indicate LGBT propaganda, although some researchers believe the two women had a close relationship and lived together.” Even though Rezankov shared the images years before Russia outlawed the “international LGBT social movement,” the judge ruled his online activity a “continuing offense” and concluded that he “bears personal responsibility for the content published on his social media page.” In January 2024, Russia issued its first fine for sharing images of rainbow flags online. Photoartist Inna Mosina was fined 1,500 rubles for posting the “extremist symbol” on her Instagram account in December 2023, a month before Russia’s anti-gay ban formally took effect.…
Vladimir Putin at a meeting ahead of the Russian delegation’s departure for Istanbul, night of May 14–15, 2025 Last Sunday, Vladimir Putin proposed resuming direct negotiations with Kyiv in Istanbul on Thursday, May 15. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky responded that he was ready to meet Putin there in person. Then, for several days, Russian officials demurred over whether the president would attend. On the eve of the planned talks, Putin released a list of officials appointed to Russia’s delegation — and he wasn’t on it. The group, which Zelensky subsequently called a “sham delegation,” includes Vladimir Medinsky, who led the Russian negotiating team during the last direct talks with Ukraine in 2022, and the head of the GRU, Russia’s military intelligence agency. With the talks now reportedly set to begin on Friday, Meduza explains who Putin appointed to the Kremlin’s delegation what their presence might reveal about Moscow’s goals. Late on the night of May 14, Russian President Vladimir Putin approved the lineup of his delegation for planned peace talks with Ukraine in Istanbul. Leading the group was Vladimir Medinsky, a presidential aide. At a preparatory meeting ahead of the talks, Putin was joined not only by members of the delegation but also by several of the most high-ranking figures in Russia’s political and security establishment: Security Council Secretary Sergey Shoigu, Deputy Prime Minister Denis Manturov, presidential aide and foreign-policy adviser Yuri Ushakov, Defense Minister Andrey Belousov, Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, FSB Director Alexander Bortnikov, Foreign Intelligence Director Sergey Naryshkin, National Guard Director Viktor Zolotov, General Staff Chief Valery Gerasimov, and commanders of Russian forces fighting in Ukraine. Presumably, some of those figures could have gone to Istanbul themselves. Instead, Putin sent Medinsky, Deputy Foreign Minister Mikhail Galuzin, Military Intelligence (GRU) Chief Igor Kostyukov, and Deputy Defense Minister Alexander Fomin. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, who traveled to Turkey in person, dismissed the Russian delegation as “sham.” In effect, this is practically the same delegation that represented Russia at the previous talks with Ukraine in Istanbul in the spring of 2022. Medinsky is once again leading the group, accompanied by a deputy foreign minister overseeing CIS affairs — then Andrey Rudenko, now Mikhail Galuzin — and Deputy Defense Minister Fomin, who is responsible for international military affairs. This time around, the group also includes Russia’s military intelligence chief, General Kostyukov. Even though we’re outlawed in Russia, we continue to deliver exclusive reporting and analysis from inside the country. Our journalists on the ground take risks to keep you informed about changes in Russia during its full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Support Meduza’s work today. Former Russian diplomat Boris Bondarev told Meduza that the makeup of the delegation signals Putin’s desire to return to the 2022 negotiating framework and “pretend nothing ever happened — that three years have passed, and we’re in the same place.” Back in 2022, the Medinsky-led delegation arrived in Istanbul with sweeping demands for Kyiv’s capitulation, asking for Ukraine to drastically reduce its armed forces, abandon its bid to join NATO, and renounce any attempt to reclaim Crimea by force. According to Bondarev, the composition of the Russian delegation itself doesn’t necessarily mean Putin isn’t serious about negotiations. What matters more, he says, is that the Russian president refused to agree to a ceasefire during the talks — a signal, in Bondarev’s view, that regardless of diplomatic gestures, Russia still intends to “keep pressuring Ukraine until it begs for mercy.” One new face at the table is Igor Kostyukov. Andrei Soldatov, a journalist who specializes in Russia’s security services, told Meduza that Putin is increasingly involving intelligence officials in international negotiations. For instance, GRU First Deputy Head Vladimir Alekseyev took part in talks over the Black Sea grain deal in the summer of 2022. General Sergey Beseda — now an adviser to the FSB director and formerly head of the FSB’s Fifth Service, which conducted operations in Ukraine before the full-scale invasion — was involved in negotiations with the Americans in Saudi Arabia. Soldatov sees two dynamics at play: on the one hand, Putin tends to entrust the most sensitive matters to people from the intelligence services. On the other, senior officials in those agencies understand how much weight Putin places on the talks — and see participation as a way to raise their own standing in the president’s eyes. In most international negotiations, intelligence services — especially military intelligence — traditionally handles prisoner exchanges. But in Russia’s case, Soldatov says, that’s more of a pretext. What the Russian intelligence services really want is a seat at the table — and what they’re after is something else entirely. For example, restoring ties with their European counterparts. “The Russian delegation is known for always introducing unexpected topics,” he notes. Kostyukov is under U.S. sanctions for interference in the 2016 U.S. presidential election, which allegedly involved GRU hackers. He’s also sanctioned by the European Union over the 2018 poisoning of the Skripals in the U.K. Each member of Russia’s Istanbul delegation has also been paired with an expert. Medinsky is accompanied by Yelena Podobreyevskaya, deputy head of the Presidential Directorate for Humanitarian Policy and former head of Medinsky’s office. Galuzin is paired with Alexey Polishchuk, head of the Foreign Ministry’s Second CIS Department, which oversees relations with Ukraine, Belarus, and Moldova. Fomin is joined by Viktor Shevtsov, deputy head of the Defense Ministry’s Directorate for International Military Cooperation. The most intriguing of the supporting figures is Kostyukov’s counterpart, GRU General Alexander Zorin. During Russia’s military campaign in Syria from 2015 to 2017, Zorin earned a reputation as a skilled battlefield negotiator. He brokered ceasefires, negotiated surrenders of key positions, and arranged humanitarian corridors. In 2022, Zorin — alongside General Alekseyev — led negotiations with Ukrainian forces during the siege of Mariupol, which ultimately ended in the surrender of the Azovstal steel plant. According to Soldatov, Zorin’s inclusion shows that for the Kremlin, theses are negotiations for negotiations’ sake. “There may be accompanying tactical aims — sending a message to the Ukrainians that the tone and structure of negotiations will resemble Mariupol, and that they can expect the same treatment,” he says. “But by and large, no one expects a major breakthrough.” No great expectations Foretelling failure The Kremlin has instructed Russia’s news media to prepare the public for no breakthroughs in Istanbul…
Vladimir Putin at the Kremlin before a speech in which he proposed resuming direct negotiations with Ukraine. May 11, 2025. Meduza has learned that Russia’s state-controlled news media have received instructions from the Kremlin’s domestic policy team to portray this week’s negotiations in Turkey as a distinctly Moscow-driven event. Propagandists are advised to stress that “neither anything Donald Trump said nor anything Zelensky declared” influenced how Vladimir Putin assembled Russia’s delegation. The core public message is continuity, underscored by the return of presidential aide Vladimir Medinsky, who led Moscow’s delegation during the last Istanbul talks in 2022. The Kremlin instructed media outlets to emphasize that his role in this week’s negotiations is “only logical.” Meduza columnist Andrey Pertsev reviews the standing orders for Russian propagandists as Moscow and Kyiv return to the same negotiating table for the first time in more than three years. “The U.S. calls for, ideally, a 30-day unconditional ceasefire. Hopefully, an acceptable ceasefire will be observed, and both [c]ountries will be held accountable for respecting the sanctity of these direct negotiations. If the ceasefire is not respected, the U.S. and its partners will impose further sanctions,” Donald Trump warned on social media on May 8. A few days later, at an unusually late-night press conference, Putin instead proposed the resumption of direct Russian–Ukrainian negotiations in Turkey on May 15. In response, Volodymyr Zelensky called on Putin to attend the talks himself and vowed to meet him there. The memo issued to Russian news outlets says nothing about the position the delegation is meant to present to Ukrainian negotiators. It also says nothing about where the talks might lead or how reporters should cover any outcomes. Instead, the Kremlin instructs propagandists to argue that Ukraine faces far worse conditions now than during the March 2022 peace talks, though the memo doesn’t specify what exactly has deteriorated. (In the three years since those initial negotiations, Russian troops have advanced deeper into Ukrainian territory and Moscow has annexed four more regions of Ukraine.) At the same time, the Kremlin is already instructing Russia’s media to prepare the public for a diplomatic failure in Istanbul. The memo cites the risk of new Western sanctions but stresses that these measures “will not harm the country’s development,” that Russia “is successfully coping with any sanctions,” and that the federal government’s budget “was drafted with them in mind.” News outlets should remind the public that Western sanctions on Russian energy exports have failed and the sector continues to develop steadily. Further reading Diplomacy on a deadline Re: Russia analysts explain why Putin’s peace summit in Turkey poses enormous risks not only for Ukraine but for all of Europe On Wednesday evening, Moscow announced the names of its delegation members. In addition to Medinsky, the team includes Deputy Foreign Minister Mikhail Galuzin, GRU chief Igor Kostyukov, and Deputy Defense Minister General Alexander Fomin. The Kremlin did not specify what demands the delegation would present in Istanbul, but Russian officials have characterized the talks as a continuation of diplomacy that collapsed in the early months of the full-scale invasion. The Zelensky administration, European leaders, and Donald Trump have called on Russia to agree to a 30-day ceasefire without preconditions, threatening another round of sanctions if Moscow refuses. However, President Putin has voiced skepticism about the possibility of such a ceasefire. A political strategist working with the Kremlin told Meduza that the Kremlin’s domestic policy team didn’t participate in the delegation’s preparations and didn’t discuss the negotiations with any of the officials bound for Istanbul. The source said the administration’s staff likely concluded independently that deadlock is the most probable outcome, “given this lineup.” “That’s why the memo mentions sanctions as the most probable Western response to the talks,” he said. In July of last year, a similar memo from the Kremlin instructed loyal media outlets to describe Putin’s proposals to resume negotiations in Istanbul as an initiative that “could swiftly end the conflict in Ukraine.” At the time, Putin’s conditions for peace included Kyiv ceding to Russia all of the Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson, and Zaporizhzhia regions — including areas that were not under Russian military control. Who Putin sent Talker, technocrat, soldier, spy Zelensky called Russia’s delegation for the Istanbul talks a ‘sham.’ Here’s who Putin sent to negotiate with Ukraine — and why they matter. Article by Andrey Pertsev Translation by Kevin Rothrock…
Negotiations between Russian and Ukrainian delegations in Istanbul will begin on Friday, Russian state news agency TASS reports, citing a source close to the negotiations process. Additionally, Kommersant reported, without citing a source, that the talks would not take place on May 15, even though Ukraine’s delegation is reportedly scheduled to arrive in Istanbul on Thursday evening. Dmytro Lytvyn, an adviser to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, also said the Ukrainian delegation would arrive late on Thursday. Neither Russia nor Ukraine has officially announced a change in the schedule for the talks, which were originally scheduled for Thursday. The Istanbul talks Russian delegation head addresses media in Istanbul before heading to palace where talks with Ukraine are planned Zelensky to send delegation led by Ukrainian defense minister to talks with Russia in Istanbul ‘Why would he go if I’m not going?’ Trump says of Putin skipping Istanbul talks Russia launches more than 100 drones at Ukraine ahead of Istanbul talks…
Shortly after Volodymyr Zelensky announced on Thursday that Ukraine would send a delegation led by Defense Minister Rustem Umerov to meet with a Russian delegation in Istanbul, Russian presidential aide Vladimir Medinsky gave a statement to journalists outside the city’s Russian consulate. Medinsky said Russia views direct talks with Ukraine as a continuation of the peace process that was interrupted in 2022. The goal of the negotiations, he added, is to “eventually reach a lasting peace by addressing the root causes of the conflict.” He said that the Russian delegation has the necessary authority and expertise to conduct negotiations. Earlier in the day, Zelensky had criticized the level of the representatives Russia was sending, calling them a “prop” delegation. Medinsky declined to answer questions following his statement. Soon afterward, Russian state media reported that the Russian delegation was en route to Istanbul’s Dolmabahçe Palace, where the talks are set to take place. Zelensky confirmed earlier that Umerov was also on his way to Istanbul and said the meeting would take place either Thursday evening or Friday. Zelensky said the main topic of discussion would be a possible ceasefire.…
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky said he will send a delegation led by Defense Minister Rustem Umerov to meet with Russian representatives in Istanbul. He made the statement at a press conference following his meeting with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan on Thursday. Zelensky noted the low level of the Russian delegation but said he was sending Ukrainian officials “out of respect for Presidents Trump and Erdoğan.” The timing of the Russia–Ukraine meeting, originally scheduled for Thursday morning, remains unclear. The planned Russia–Ukraine talks in Istanbul ‘Why would he go if I’m not going?’ Trump says of Putin skipping Istanbul talks Russia launches more than 100 drones at Ukraine ahead of Istanbul talks Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov won’t attend May 15 Istanbul talks with Ukraine — Kommersant…
A Moscow court has fined Medusa Project SIA 400,000 rubles (almost $5,000) for “violating the procedure for the activities of a foreign agent.” The Telegram channel of Moscow’s courts of general jurisdiction, which reported the ruling, did not disclose the specific basis for the case. Meduza was designated a “foreign agent media outlet” in Russia on April 23, 2021. In the years since, numerous independent media outlets, journalists, public figures, and cultural workers have been added to the “foreign agent” registry. In January 2023, Russia’s Prosecutor General’s Office declared Meduza an “undesirable organization,” claiming it “poses a threat to the foundations of the constitutional order and the security of the Russian Federation.”…
On May 14, in the Kremlin’s latest crackdown on the publishing industry, Russian security forces questioned staff of Eksmo, the country’s largest publishing house, and arrested about 10 employees. State media reported that the case is part of a criminal investigation tied to content in books labeled “LGBT propaganda” by the authorities. Here’s what we know so far about the case. On Wednesday, police came to interrogate staff of Eksmo, Russia’s largest publishing house, the Telegram channel VChK-OGPU and the independent outlet iStories reported. According to the state news agency TASS, Eksmo’s distribution director, Anatoly Norovyatkin, and about 10 others were arrested as part of a criminal case related to the recruitment or involvement of individuals in “extremist” organizations. Anatoly Norovyatkin Eksmo told TASS that the investigation was connected to alleged “LGBT propaganda” in titles published by Popcorn Books. (The Eksmo publishing group acquired a 51 percent stake in Popcorn Books in August 2023.) “Security forces presented a warrant to seize several books in connection with a criminal case allegedly related to ‘LGBT propaganda’ in Popcorn Books titles,” a company representative said. “We have no information about Norovyatkin, but our legal team is trying to find out more. Eksmo itself has no connection to extremism.” Later on Wednesday, Individuum, another publishing house acquired by Eksmo, confirmed that law enforcement officers had also carried out searches at the homes of its staff, who were subsequently detained. “Our colleagues are currently being questioned by investigators as witnesses,” the publisher said in a statement. “We do not know who will be charged, or with what. […] For now, we are suspending our activity on social media.” The bitter truth is that events in Russia affect your life, too. Help Meduza continue to bring news from Russia to readers around the world by setting up a monthly donation . Shortly before Eksmo’s acquisition of Individuum in 2023, Russia’s Justice Ministry designated the company’s former owners, Andrew Baev and Alexey Dokuchaev, as “foreign agents.” Baev and Dokuchaev were targeted for their role in the publication of A Summer in the Red Scarf , a novel by Katerina Silvanova and Elena Malisova about a romance between two boys at a Soviet summer camp. The book, released by Popcorn Books, became a bestseller in 2022. It drew heavy backlash from Russian lawmakers and pro-Kremlin commentators due to its themes. Facing threats, both authors left Russia and were later designated as “foreign agents.” At the time of the novel’s publication, Popcorn Books was owned by Bookmate, an online reading app and digital publisher which, in turn, was run by Baev and Dokuchaev, iStories reported. At the same time, a source cited by VChK-OGPU claimed that the extremism case was based not on bestselling titles, but on the distribution of “little-known books with specific content.” According to three publishing industry sources who spoke with BBC News Russian, those arrested in connection with the Eksmo searches include Dmitry Protopopov, an executive affiliated with both Popcorn Books and Individuum, and Pavel Ivanov, a former sales director. A source in the publishing industry told the human rights organization OVD-Info that Eksmo employees involved in management, shipping, and accounting were among those taken into custody. On May 15, a day after the raids, Russian authorities formally charged three individuals in the case, according to the human rights group Department One. Investigators claim the distribution of “queer literature” — including A Summer in the Red Scarf — amounts to organizing and participating in the activities of an “extremist” organization. BBC News Russian named the defendants as Protopopov, Ivanov, and Artyom Vakhlyaev, the head of warehouse and book distribution operations. Meanwhile, Norovyatkin, who had been reported among those detained, was released following questioning, according to TASS. Popcorn Books has described itself as publishing “gripping works of fiction” that explore controversial or marginalized themes. In November 2022, Russia’s State Duma passed legislation banning “LGBT propaganda,” which took effect the following month. In response, Popcorn Books announced it would suspend the publication of books featuring queer themes. In November 2023, Russia’s Supreme Court declared the non-existent “international LGBT movement” an extremist organization and banned it nationwide. words in a war ‘The number of words you can say keeps shrinking’ Meduza investigates how wartime censorship has (and hasn’t) reshaped Russia’s book industry Moskva News Agency…
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has arrived in Ankara, where he plans to meet with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan as Ukraine–Russia negotiations are set to begin in Istanbul. Upon his arrival, Zelensky held a brief press conference at the Ankara airport. “We will start our meetings with President Erdoğan and Turkey’s full extended delegation. We’re in contact with the U.S. side, who I believe will also be present in Turkey at a high level. We’ll see what level the Russians show up at — so far, officially it’s unknown, but from what we’ve seen, theirs looks like more of a prop delegation. We’ll see if they actually have a mandate to make decisions,” Zelensky said. He added that his next steps would depend on the outcome of the meeting with Erdoğan, which is expected to last several hours. Zelensky also stressed that Ukraine’s delegation is of the “highest level,” including representatives from the Foreign Ministry, the presidential office, the military, and all branches of intelligence, to ensure they are prepared to “make any decisions necessary for the just peace we expect.” On Wednesday evening, the Kremlin announced the composition of its delegation. It will be led by presidential aide Vladimir Medinsky and include Deputy Foreign Minister Mikhail Galuzin, GRU (Military Intelligence) Chief Igor Kostyukov, and Deputy Defense Minister Aleksandr Fomin. Zelensky has said he is willing to meet with Putin in person, but Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov confirmed that Putin will definitely not travel to Turkey for the talks.…
U.S. President Donald Trump claimed that Russian President Vladimir Putin chose not to attend talks in Istanbul because Trump himself did not go. “Why would he go if I'm not going?” Trump told reporters, adding that, in his view, it was unlikely Putin would have traveled to Istanbul in his absence. In the early hours of May 11, Putin proposed resuming direct negotiations with Ukraine, suggesting a meeting in Istanbul on May 15. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky said he was prepared to meet with Putin in person. For several days, Russian officials did not confirm whether Putin would attend. It was later announced that the Russian delegation would be led by presidential aide Vladimir Medinsky, who also represented Russia in negotiations with Ukraine at the start of the full-scale invasion. The delegation arrived in Istanbul on the morning of May 15.…
Kseniia Petrova, a Harvard Medical School researcher from Russia, has been charged with smuggling for attempting to bring frog embryos into the United States, the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Massachusetts said . Petrova was detained at Boston Logan Airport on February 16 after failing to declare frog embryo samples on her customs form. If convicted of the smuggling charges, she faces up to 20 years in prison and a fine of up to $250,000. Following the charges, Petrova — who had been held in an immigration detention facility — was transferred to a federal prison. Her attorneys told ABC News that the transfer occurred shortly before an immigration hearing at which they planned to request her release on bail. Her attorney, Gregory Romanovsky, said he believes the case amounts to an alleged customs violation, which should carry a fine — not visa cancellation and detention. “No matter how tough the government wants to be on immigration enforcement, they have to follow the law,” he told ABC News. “The law does not allow this.” Petrova was detained upon returning to the U.S. from a personal trip to France. During questioning by U.S. Customs and Border Protection, she said she feared persecution if deported to Russia due to her anti-war views and criticism of the Kremlin. More about Kseniia ‘Kseniia’s in danger’ ICE detained a Harvard scientist. Now she faces deportation to Russia, where she fears persecution for her anti-war views.…
A sculpture of Soviet leader Joseph Stalin has been unveiled in a passageway at the Taganskaya Metro Station in Moscow, architecture researcher Alexander Zinoviev reported on Thursday. On May 10, the Moscow Metro announced plans to restore a historical panel at Taganskaya dedicated to the Soviet victory in World War II. The bas-relief originally stood at the end of the station on the metro’s Circle Line until 1966, when it was lost during construction of a new transfer. Metro officials said the composition would be recreated using archival photos and documents, “faithfully replicating the original.” However, according to Zinoviev, the restored version does not reproduce the original material or color of the panel, and the decorative border details were not closely recreated either. “Overall, it’s more of an ideological gesture than a real effort to restore the station’s historical appearance,” he said.…
Russia launched an overnight wave of drone attacks across Ukraine, damaging homes and sparking fires, according to Ukrainian officials. Russian drone strikes damaged residential buildings in Ukraine’s Dnipropetrovsk region, according to Governor Serhiy Lysak. About 10 private homes, as well as several shops and vehicles, were damaged, and a cultural center was partially destroyed, he said. In the Ivano-Frankivsk region, a fire broke out at “one of the facilities in the region” following a drone strike, Ukraine’s State Emergency Service reported . Firefighters extinguished the blaze, and no injuries were reported. In the Sumy region, a drone strike hit civilian infrastructure in a village, igniting a fire, local authorities said . No casualties were reported. Officials in the Kyiv region and in the city of Lutsk , in the Volyn region, also reported repelling drone attacks. No injuries were reported in either location. Ukraine’s Air Force said Russian forces launched 110 drones overnight, including both attack drones and decoy drones. Of those, 62 were shot down, and 29 others crashed before reaching their targets. The wave of drone strikes came ahead of Russia and Ukraine’s first direct negotiations since 2022, taking place Thursday in Istanbul.…
Natalya and her five-year-old daughter Solomiya shelter in a subway station during an air raid . Kyiv, March 29, 2023. On April 4, 2025, a Russian missile strike on the city of Krivyi Rih killed nine children, most of whom were playing in a park. The U.N. Human Rights Office said the attack, which killed 20 people in total, was the deadliest single strike to claim children’s lives that it had verified since Russia began its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. The U.N. has recorded more than 2,500 child casualties but notes the actual toll is likely far higher, particularly when considering the scale of damage to children’s mental health and well-being. The psychological toll on Ukrainian children is even more widespread. To understand the war’s impact on children, Meduza spoke with Elina Bytyuk , a psychologist at the Dnipro-based nonprofit Children New Generation . Children New Generation helps evacuate, shelter, and provide food kits to thousands of displaced families in eastern Ukraine. It also works with a number of international organizations, including the Let’s Help initiative , a fundraiser for Ukrainian civilians Meduza launched in partnership with Helpdesk Media and TV Rain. Elina Bytyuk, psychologist As the war enters its fourth year, it continues to take a devastating toll on Ukrainian children, disrupting every aspect of their lives. A study by Save the Children found that 73 percent of school-aged children in Ukraine felt unsafe or fearful. Nearly two-thirds had lost interest in learning. UNICEF estimated that children in Ukraine’s frontline cities spent 3,000 to 5,000 hours sheltering underground in the war’s first two years — the equivalent of four to seven months. The war has also disrupted education , forcing some 700,000 children to study online while another million are in blended learning. Air raid alerts and power outages regularly derail school and daily life. According to the U.N., more than 2,500 children have been killed or injured in Ukraine since February 2022. The U.N. Human Rights Office reported that April 2025 saw the highest verified monthly number of child casualties since June 2022, with at least 19 children killed and 78 injured. Russia also stands accused of forcibly deporting tens of thousands of Ukrainian children. Friends of 17-year-old Danylo Khudia wait as rescue workers search for him under the rubble after a Russian missile hit an apartment building in Kyiv. The attack killed 13 people, including Danylo and his parents. April 24, 2025. Ukrainian children and teenagers — exposed to death, destruction, displacement, and deprivation — are at heightened risk of mental health issues, including complex PTSD , which often requires more long-term, intensive treatment than post-traumatic stress disorder stemming from a single event. “If a child was [in a shelter] during bombardment, the memory of these events can haunt them for the rest of their life,” says Elina Bytyuk, a psychologist with Children New Generation , a Dnipro-based nonprofit organization that helps displaced families in eastern Ukraine. Children who live farther away from the front are also affected, with regular air raid sirens and fears of the next Russian attack leaving them in a constant state of uncertainty. “When a person is in a prolonged state of uncertainty, the ‘fight, flee, or freeze’ defense mechanism is also activated. And if this mechanism is activated for a long time, it may subsequently lead to depression,” Bytyuk explains. Bytyuk’s own family has been displaced not once but twice. After war broke out in eastern Ukraine in 2014, she fled Donetsk for the nearby town of Hirnyk. Then, after Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022, she and her family moved to Dnipro. “I’m a displaced person myself and understand the anxieties [parents have],” she says. “My 16-year-old son struggled to come to terms with our new life.” A teenager at a shelter for displaced persons run by the humanitarian organization Stay Safe UA. Druzhkivka, Donetsk region. September 24, 2024. Like other psychologists working with Children New Generation, Bytyuk works with children and parents alike. “A child’s primary defense and basic foundation is family. This is his source of support,” she says. “And if dad’s gone to the front and mom got sick due to stress, then the child may develop a feeling of internal isolation from everything.” According to Vasyl Lutsyk, the head of Ukraine’s National Social Service, Russia’s war had deprived more than 13,000 children in Ukraine of parental care as of last March. This figure included nearly 1,800 children left orphaned, as well as hundreds whose parents reside in the occupied territories and about a dozen whose parents are in Russian captivity, Lutsyk said. Wartime immigration has also torn many families apart: some 6.9 million refugees have fled Ukraine since February 2022, most of whom are women and children. Another 3.7 million people are internally displaced. As Bytyuk explains, the grief that comes with family separation makes coping with traumatic events even more difficult. For children who have been displaced or lost loved ones, “This sense of loss and anxiety can develop into generalized anxiety disorder or depression,” she says. A boy holds a sign that reads, “Where’s my dad? Two years in captivity” during a rally in Lviv for families of prisoners of war. March 9, 2024. At the same time, the psychologist underscores that trauma manifests itself differently in every child. While some traumatized children may appear fearful or depressed, others will become withdrawn or even aggressive. “Some children may lose their speech, others may start having temper tantrums, panic attacks, or outbursts of anger,” she explains. According to Bytyuk, both children and teenagers may experience mood swings as a result of extreme stress. And like adults suffering from PTSD, children who have experienced traumatic events may struggle with intrusive memories. “There are children who wake up at night [...] because [they have] intrusive memories, like war veterans,” she says. “It's impossible to suppress them by willpower alone.” Losing one’s home or being forced to move away is a great loss for children and a blow to their mental health. According to Bytyuk, younger children tend to adapt better to shelter life because this offers them the opportunity to interact with others and focus on play. But for adolescents, displacement may lead to a loss of sense of self, which can be detrimental to their self-esteem and overall development. “It’s easier for a younger child to transition through play and interaction with other children. Thanks to this, [they’re] more able to adapt,” Bytyuk explains. “But a teenager lives more consciously, he perceives various situations from a different angle. And if he no longer has a home, he may lose motivation to grow or engage with others.” A family with five children evacuates from Yelyzavetivka, a village in the Donetsk region that was left without electricity and running water due to active Russian shelling and drone attacks. November 14, 2024. Today, there are both local and international nonprofit groups providing psychological support for children in Ukraine, including through one-on-one sessions and group therapy. Psychologists can help children cope with both traumatic memories and ongoing threats — and teach them how to handle stress in the least destructive way possible. When it comes to treating trauma in children, Bytyuk says, “each child needs an individual approach.” However, access to trauma-focused treatments by trained mental health specialists remains limited in Ukraine. (A group of German researchers has even launched a project to train more Ukrainian therapists who are treating children.) Parental support is also crucial for helping children cope. However, many parents in Ukraine are struggling with their own mental health and need help themselves. According to Bytyuk, this is especially true of working mothers whose partners are at the front. “Much depends on the parents, including their values, how accurately they assess their own condition, and their ability to manage their own anxiety,” she explains. “[The uncertainty] is hard for parents too: they’re thinking about what they can give their child besides love and support.” A Ukrainian soldier and his family. Donetsk region. February 11, 2025. For younger children, socializing is key for helping them deal with the consequences of wartime upheavals, while older children can benefit from sports and other hobbies that help them develop, learn, and express themselves. “They need to learn to focus on the positive and try to see the good. I understand that this is difficult in wartime, but if we can’t change the situation, we just try to calmly accept it and get through it. God willing, it will work out,” Bytyuk says. “The war will affect everyone; it will just affect each family and each child differently,” she adds. “Yes, war is a great trauma. But much depends on how we face it. In any case, life goes on for each of us. It’s a question of getting up and moving forward.” HERE'S HOW YOU CAN HELP UKRAINIAN KIDS Help us support Ukrainians affected by Russia’s war A new fundraising campaign from Helpdesk, TV Rain, and Meduza Interview by Irina Olegova Summary by Eilish Hart…
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